TABLE OF CONTENT
Title page
Approval page
Dedication
Acknowledgment
Abstract
Table of content
CHAPETR ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the study
1.2 Statement of problem
1.3 Objective of the study
1.4 Research Hypotheses
1.5 Significance of the study
1.6 Scope and limitation of the study
1.7 Definition of terms
1.8 Organization of the study
CHAPETR TWO
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
CHAPETR THREE
3.0 Research methodology
3.1 sources of data collection
3.3 Population of the study
3.4 Sampling and sampling distribution
3.5 Validation of research instrument
3.6 Method of data analysis
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION
4.1 Introductions
4.2 Data analysis
CHAPTER FIVE
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Summary
5.3 Conclusion
5.4 Recommendation
Appendix
Abstract
This study, using content analysis, examined the impact of fiscal federalism and the struggles of ethnic minority groups in Nigeria on the trajectories of the national question in Nigeria. Given the monumen tal friction, tension and acrimony occasioned by minority question in Nigeria’s governmental process, the paper is aimed at encapsulating the dynamics of minorit y question as it affects/impact the government al process of Nigeria. It argues that minority question in Nigeria, just like other parts of the developed world, including Australia for example, reinforces itself i n the culture and pervasive nature of ethnicity, defined in terms of group interest, sectional polarization, self-esteem and identification. It discovered a positive relationship between the changes in the fiscal structure and the aggravation of ethnic minorities’ struggles. It concluded that the interplay of these variables leads to the degeneration of the national question and recommended, therefore, the revision of the fiscal structure on which the Nigerian federal system currently anchors as a panacea for resolving the national question.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the study
Nationality is a social feeling. It is a feeling of corporate sentiment of oneness which makes those who are charged with it feel they are kith and kin. It is at once a feeling of fellowship for one’s own kith and kin. It is a feeling of ‘consciousness of a kind’ which on one hand binds together those who have it, so strongly that it over-rides all differences arising out of economic conflict or social gradation and, on the other, sever them from those who are not of their kind. It is a longing not to belong to another group (Ambedkar quoted in Abubakar and Ayokhai, 2008, p.105) In the fifty-four years of independence, Nigeria’s effort at nation-building has been severely challenged by the protraction of the ‘national question’. The national question is conceived by scholars as consisting of the political mobilizations and struggles by dissatisfied and aggrieved groups to redress and exact more just and equitable accommodation from the Nigerian nation-state. It is also seen as being multidimensional, involving religious and ideological conflicts, fear of northern domination, the hegemonic contest among the Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani, and the Igbo, as well as the struggles of the ethnic minorities (Nwachukwu, 2005, p.41). In fact, nationbuilding efforts of successive governments and regimes have been frustrated by the national question. The situation is such that it is argued in this study that Nigeria exists in reality only as a state, not a nation. Put differently, there is a Nigerian state but there are no Nigerian citizens. This position is illustrated by the fact that in spite of the one hundred years of amalgamation and the over fifty-five years of independence, Nigeria has failed to make citizens out of the diverse groups of peoples that inhabit the territory. For instance, while the Nigerian constitution acknowledges the existence of Nigerians in its citizenship provisions, the loyalty of the peoples is in practice to their primordial constituencies such as ethnicities, regions, religions, states, and, more recently, geopolitical zones. Therefore, rather than Nigerians, Nigeria is made up of diverse groups who claim to be Fulani, Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, Edo, Ijaw, Urhobo, Tiv, Jukun, Gbagyi, Gede, Moslems, Christians, Northerners, Southerners, Middle-Belters, SouthSoutherners, Niger-Deltans, South-Westerners, South-Easterners, North-Westerners North-Easterners, to mention but a few of the primordial identities that enjoy the superior loyalty of the peoples over the Nigerian citizenship identity. The intensity of the national question in Nigeria is such that the prophets of the Nigerian doom have predicted that the country would not exist in one piece beyond 2015. To what extent this prediction is true remains to be seen. Whether the insurgence of Boko Haram and the resurgence of the agitations of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) in the north-eastern and south-eastern parts of the country respectively are gravitating towards the fulfillment of the prediction of the disintegration of Nigeria is yet to be seen. However, what is not in doubt from the reading of the handwriting on Nigeria’s wall is the fact that the preponderance of insurgent movements in the chequered history of the country is a reflection of the intractable nature of her national question. The issue of minority and its implications on the process of governance has attracted wider scholarly debates acro ss the length and breath of the globe in recent ti mes. The magnitude and extent of this debates finds expression in the commonality or otherwi se of the subject of minority and its attendant impacts in the making and unmaking of a governmental system and structures at whatever level of analysis. Barth(1969), Osaghae(2001), Da wson(1969), Cawte (1968) have argued various ly that minority question is a global phenomen a affecting virtually all secularized and heterog eneous societies mostly in the Third world states, including Africa, Asia, the Caribbean and Latin American entities, respectively. In the same token, Nurcombe (1967), Dixson (1965), Lacey(1971)and Ogundiya (2010) have corroborate d the positions held by world view scholars, and argued further that developed nations , in many cases are trapped in the aura of minority quagm ire and, hence, this tendency has literally conditioned and shaped the direction of internal politics of these political entities in many instances. Thus, countries like Australia, United States of America, and several Scandinavian states are all victims of minority question (Eteh, 2001, Okpaga, 2002, Nnoli, 1978, Nurcombe, 1970). This situation is not different when compared to the Nigerian scenario, which dates back to the era of colonial conquest way back. The question of minority in Nigerian politics is as old as history itself.
The issue of minority has been a part of political equations since the inception of Nigeria as a country (Osaghae, 1998). Minority question therefore became a salient political issue after the conception of regionalism during the Richards Constitution of 1945. Regionalism therefore is believed to be the premise for ethnic minority problems in Nigeria. It can be argued from the above that at the heart of regionalism lies all forms of minority ethnic consciousness because the process entrenched the grouping of ethnic nationalities within three antagonizing regions. Thus, each of these regions was dominated by major ethnic groups namely, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. Conversely, the regions composed of the North, East and West, respectively. Significantly, however, issues bothering on minority questions in Nigeria reinforces itself in the competition for space, scarce resources and fear of domination by other larger groups in the socio-economic scheme of things; Worsley (1984) distinctiveness- puts it better as “strategy or weapon in competition over scarce social goods”. For a better understanding of the processes of governance in Nigeria, it is only appropriate to discern on such discourses against the backdrop of the very many centripetal forces within the Nigerian 150 million people. On the average, however, this figure has been watered down to several other minority groups namely, Kanuris, Ibibio, Tiv, Ijaw, Edo (Beni)s, Nupe, Urhobo, Ebira, Gwari, Alago, Ogoja, to mention but a few. These groups one way or the other, have their interests to protect within the nation’s political system. The result of the ensuing contestation and agitation is directly or indirectly a force capable of making or unmaking the political process. (Nolutshunga, 1996; Aaron, 2003; Ifeka, 2000).
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
The Federal structure of Nigeria is believed to be “a bad marriage that all dislike but dare not leave, and that there are possibilities that could disrupt the precarious equilibrium in Abuja” (Ogbe, et al, 2011). The dominant conceptual and legal foundation for Nigerian internal political geography is federalism. A federal arrangement was expected to be instrumental for forging national unity out of the plural society and at the same time in preserving the separate social identities cherished by its component parts. Nigeria’s political system has continued to operate with minimum cohesion (Ola, 1995). Rivalry fundamentally instigated by ethnic mutual suspicion and problems of minority increasingly weakens the fabrics of Nigerian Sovereignty. This has culminated in the Nigerian Civil War. It has also dragged the nation-state into the turbulent June 12 political crisis which has completely made Nigerian sovereignty frail and fragile (Ojo, 1989).
Federalism is a system meant to integrate people in a society who are diverse ethnically, culturally, geographically and even religiously. It therefore becomes imperative that once a government is in place, it must endeavour to adequately and equitably distribute powers, functions and resources among these diverse groups. But in Nigeria, there are instances where governments have openly violated this principles of federalism. Suffice it to say that in theory, Nigeria can be said to be operating the federal system of government, whereas in actual practice, the country is tending towards a unitary system. Therefore, the problem with federalism in Nigeria is the mix-application or non-application of this clause especially as it has to do with power distribution leading to problems of minority (Awa, 1977). Power distribution is a volatile issue which if not properly handled could lead to various forms of crises which are bound to crop up. Nigeria has not been forthright applying this principle to the letter and the result of this has been the heightening of ethnic tension, mutual mistrust among ethnic groups, minority problem, clamour for an answer to the National question etc. Ethnic tension and problems of minority in Nigeria is the resultant effect of improper distribution of functions and resources. This is because the people who now feel left out in the scheme of things see it as a necessity to rely with their ethnic groups which will provide them a good ground for competing with others for resources and against domination by the dominant ethnic groups. This can escalate further and lead to open confrontation among the groups. However, this study will provide an overview of Nigerians federalism carefully examining the problem of minority
1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
The main objective of this study is to examine the Nigerian federalism and the minority question in Nigeria's fourth republic; but to aid the completion of the study, the researcher intend to achieve the following specific objective;
- i) To examine the effect of federalism on the minority question in Nigeria democracy
- ii) To examine the role of federalism in attaining national identity
iii) To examine the relationship between federalism and the problem of the minority question
- iv) To examine the factors the give birth to the minority question in Nigeria federal system
1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES
The following research hypotheses were formulated by the researcher to aid the completion of the study;
H0: there is no significant relationship between federalism and the problem of the minority question
H1: there is a significant relationship between federalism and the problem of the minority question
H0: federalism does not play any role in attaining national identity
H0: federalism does play a role in attaining national identity
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The significance of this study is divided into two viz: Theoretical and practical. At the theoretical level, it will add to the frontier of knowledge of Nigerian Federalism and problem of minority question. This research will serve as a resource base to other scholars and researchers interested in carrying out further research in this field subsequently, if applied will go to an extent to provide new explanation to the topic. At the practical level, the study will help our policy makers and those in power to see the negative effect of minority question and ethnic marginalization, and in a way make the leaders see reasons or how effective the government at all level can practice true federalism by involving all the minority groups in the structure of governance to ensure equity.
1.6 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY
The scope of the study covers federalism and the minority question in Nigeria's fourth republic will cover the ways and manner the political powers are shared among the ethnic groups in the fourth republic and also identify issues of minority question that has led to series of agitations in Nigeria in the past. But in the cause of the
- a) AVAILABILITY OF RESEARCH MATERIAL: The research material available to the researcher is insufficient, thereby limiting the study
- b) TIME: The time frame allocated to the study does not enhance wider coverage as the researcher has to combine other academic activities and examinations with the study.
- c) Finance: Limited Access to the required financed was a major constrain to the scope of the study.
1.7 OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS
Federalism
Federalism is the mixed or compound mode of government, combining a general government with regional governments in a single political system.
Minority group
In sociology, a minority group refers to a category of people who experience relative disadvantage as compared to members of a dominant social group
Democracy
Democracy is a system of government where the citizens exercise power by voting. In a direct democracy, the citizens as a whole form a governing body and vote directly on each issue.
Ethnic group
An ethnic group or an ethnicity, is a category of people who identify with each other based on similarities such as common ancestry, language, history, society, culture or nation.
ORGANIZATION OF THE WORK
For the purpose of easy understanding, this research is categorized into five chapters.
Chapter one, which is essentially introductory includes background, statement, objectives, hypothesis, significance, scope/limitations of the study, organization of the work and finally, definition of terms.
Chapter two, comprises of literature review. This involves reviewing what other authors have said about the subject matter performances and influence in the economy.
Chapter three, will cover the research method and procedure, population and sample, source of data collection, method of data collection, description of instrument used, returned questionnaire and finally on that not method of data analysis.
Chapter four, in every research data presentation and analysis are very important if hypothesis are to be tested. This is very critical chapter because its observation and findings will prove or disapprove hypothesis.
Finally, chapter five is devoted towards conclusion and recommendations, whereby conclusion will be generated on whether the hypothesis is true or false, accepted or null it will also suggests solution to the problem earlier stated based on its findings.
