Abstract
Electoral Violence has been one of the most prevalent forms of violence in Nigeria since the return of democracy in 1999. The manifestation of this violence has grown in magnitude and consequences from 2007-2011 with negative implications for democratic stability. With the use of oral and written sources; the attractiveness of political offices, poverty, a culture of impunity, and rigging among others have been indentified as factors responsible for election violence. The effects of Election Violence have spread across the political, social and economic strata of the Nigerian society; leaving in its wake economic instability, lawlessness, proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW), and generally a poor image of the country in the international community. It is this problem of Electoral Violence in Nigeria that this research examines, with a focus on its nature, causes, and effects on democratic stability and consolidation. With insight from the situation in Lagos State, the study demonstrates how the electoral process has been subverted by hi-jacking the state machinery to feed personal interests; thus giving an impetus for escalation of Election Violence and truncation of the democratic institution. It is argued that for democracy to prevail, election violence must be redressed.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the study
Within the context of a complete break away from one-party and military dictatorships, African countries dived into competitive multiparty elections since the 1990s. Thus, as Ake puts it ‘Issues of democratization and human rights are increasingly the world’s interest in Africa overcoming a legacy of indifference to the fate of democracy on the continent’ (Ake, 1991:32). Many of these African states that allowed elections to be held in them made a mockery of their transition programs. In fact, Naomi Chazan pointed out the loss of legitimacy that has now characterized African elections when she pointed out that: ‘Elections in Africa, after the initial euphoria associated with political stability during decolonization quickly came to be viewed as meaningless political rites.’(Chazan, 1979:136). While not doubting the increasing nature of democratic transitions in African countries, Lemarchand concluded that, ‘there are compelling reasons to fear that the movement towards democracy may contain within itself the seed of its own undoing’ (Lemarchand, 1992:98). Celestin Monga identified eight problems with African politics which according to him are: the weakness of political parties, manipulation of the electoral process, a narrow political field, a constrained civil society, a controlled press, the absence of civility, privatized violence and politicized armies, and international support for dictatorship (Monga, 1997:156). However, Richard Joseph seemed to have captured African politics when he stated that ‘of themany factors impeding constitutional democracy in Africa, none appears more significant than the upsurge of political violence (Richard, 1997:3). It seems to us therefore that a proper understanding of political renewal in Africa should pay more attention to the role of political violence. Thus in Kenya, President Daniel arapMoi resorted to political violence as a means of retaining power. Similarly Kibaki who succeeded him was guilty of ‘daylight robbery and a civilian coup’ (Bamgbose, 2008:54). In Zimbabwe, Tsvangirai withdrew from the run-off of 2008 in protest over political violence that killed over 120 people and displaced thousands (Bricking, 2010:1). The April 24 2005 Togo presidential election triggered off political violence resulting to the outflow of Togolese refugees to the neighboring countries of Ghana and Benin (Bamgbose, 2009:109). In October 2008, two Belgian demographers, Andre Lambert and Louis Lohle-Tart, were invited by the European Commission to assess the 2005 – 06 voter registration process in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). After their consultancy was done, they wrote a devastating critique of the International Rescue Committee (IRC). Initially, the IRC had put the death toll at 5.4 million even though the original figure was not up to 5.4 million. These Belgian demographers put it at 200,000 deaths. Pertinent to note is that many lives were lost (Mamdani, 2010:15).
1.2 Statement of the general problem
Electoral violence has caused a whole lot of harm to the socio economic development of Nigeria. Nigeria being a country with a history of electoral violence has found it difficult to take its rightful place in the comity of developed nation despite having all it takes in boosting its economy and alleviate poverty. Violence generally is a repeller of investment as nobody wants to invest in a country that isn’t carried peaceful coexistence. Overtime, electoral violence also has a negative effect on democracy, consistent and unabated electoral violence has often led to the military taking over government in Nigeria.
1.3 Objectives/Aims of the study
The following are the aims and objectives of this study
To examine the effect of electoral violence on Nigeria democracy.
To assess the level of electoral violence evident in Nigeria
To know the impact of electoral violence on the economy of Nigeria.
To examine the challenges to the complete eradication of electoral violence in Nigeria.
To recommend ways of reducing or completely eradicating electoral violence in Nigeria.
1.4 Research Questions
What is the effect of electoral violence on Nigeria democracy?
What is the level of electoral violence evident in Nigeria?
What is the impact of electoral violence on the economy of Nigeria?
What are the challenges to the complete eradication of electoral violence in Nigeria?
1.5 Research Hypothesis
H0: electoral violence does not affect Democracy in Nigeria.
H1: electoral violence affects Democracy in Nigeria.
1.6 Significance of the study
This study would be immensely beneficial to government in letting them know the effect of electoral democracy on our nascent democracy thereby notifying them of the urgency to put adequate efforts in trying to stop electoral violence in Nigeria. This study would also be beneficial to researchers who are interested on Nigeria’s democracy.
1.7 Scope and limitation of the study
This study is restricted to the effect of electoral violence on Nigeria’s democracy with a case study of the south west Nigeria.
Limitation of the study
Financial constraint- Insufficient fund tends to impede the efficiency of the researcher in sourcing for the relevant materials, literature or information and in the process of data collection (internet, questionnaire and interview).
Time constraint- The researcher will simultaneously engage in this study with other academic work. This consequently will cut down on the time devoted for the research work.
1.8 Methodology
Methodology in history comprises the techniques and guidelines by which historians use to research and write history.
According to Lemon (1995:85), historical evidence could be gathered through a variety of ways ranging from “what is written, what is said, and what is physically preserved”. This study however, involve the use of written and oral sources as well as the inter-disciplinary approach which will be subsequently broken down.
Oral Sources
Adams (2000:17) suggests that one of the major achievements associated with the rise of African historiography is the recognition of oral tradition as a viable source of historical data. As a source of history, oral tradition amounts to the same kind of value as other sources since it undergoes the same kind of analysis and synthesis the historian employs in the course of his research.
Inter-Disciplinary Approach
History demands a systematic and inter-disciplinary investigation. A study such as this demands that documentary evidence, theories, concepts and methods from a broad spectrum of the social sciences be integrated to achieve a holistic analysis.
To achieve the aim of the study therefore, certain approaches and theories from the social sciences were adopted for the purpose of explaining the causes of election violence from a theoretical standpoint. Thus, a wide range of theories were examined in the course of this study.
Oral sources were indispensable to this study bearing in mind that because of very little occurrence of spectacular election violence in south-west States prior to 2011, there is a dearth of written materials on this subject.
1.9 Literature Review
The main focus of an academic research paper is to develop a new argument. Therefore it is necessary to summarize and synthesize the arguments and ideas of other authors in the field of research; to establish a picture of what this research is about. Elections in Nigeria particularly since the advent of democracy in 1999 have been the subject of scholarly writing. A critical review of scholarly work provides useful methodological insights for the study as well as a lacuna that needs to be filled.
In his book “Political Behaviour and Electoral Politics in Nigeria” and an article titled, “Rethinking Electoral Violence and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria,” Ikpe (2007:51) opines that election violence has defied every policy put in place to check it.
This according to him is as a result of the “focus of policy strategies” on the conduct and administration of elections without an attempt to change the objectives of seeking political offices through elections. This objective of using political officer to accumulate private wealth is the reason political elites would employ every strategy including rigging, violence and ethnic solidarity to ensure electoral success. Consequently, the masses are paid to rig elections, commit thuggery (murder, arson and other acts of violence), and to sell their votes.
Ikpe’s attempts to highlight the causes of election violence in Nigeria, stretches to analyze the electoral behaviour in the 1991 election in Akwa-Ibom State. However the period under survey does not cover the time frame of this study.
Jega and Iyayi (2006:20) in their article titled “Strategies for Curbing Election Violence in the 2007 General Elections”20 and “Elections, INEC and the problem of Election Mindset in Nigeria” respectively, address the depth of election violence in Nigeria and the importance of the right mindsets of individuals towards elections and democracy.
Jega and Iyayi posit that the increase in election violence in Nigeria is based on the fact that Nigerian politics has come to assume the characteristics and attributes of a “rat-race in which only the fittest, richest and filthiest survive”. In Jega’s opinion, there is no civility or decorum but crudity and unfathomable aggression and violence in the arena. This according to Iyayi is as a result of the “Zero-sum game” mindset where the winner takes all and the loser loses all. These mindsets according to the duo are particularly consequential for democracy as they shape political behaviour before, during, and after elections. They add that to change election mindsets the crucial themes that are involved in elections need to be addressed.
The above articles are more or less a generic account of the problem of election violence, with no specific case study or recommendation.
Kurfi, and Nwankwo (2000:17) adopt a practical approach to the problem of election violence in Nigeria, citing specific cases and periods. Ahmadu Kurfi in chapter three of his book: The Nigerian General Elections in 1989 and 1979 discusses the use of violence and intimidation during elections; and well as the nature and machinery of pre-election, election and post election and post election violence. Agwuncha (1993: 15) in his book: Nigeria: The Political Transition and the Future of Democracy analyses events of the gubernatorial elections of 1992 which in his opinion was chaotic and a danger to national security due to a combination of vicious political intolerance and open defiance of established political rules as well as indecent conduct of political activities. Joseph (1987:90) Democracy and Prebehdal politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic gives a preview of the 1983 elections with a view to establishing that all aspects of the electoral process in Nigeria is subject to disagreements. He narrates the causes of violence that existed in the Western part of Nigeria between the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in the 1983 elections.
These accounts by the above authors give a clear picture of the manifestations of electoral violence in the country.
Kolawole and Saidu (2008) in their articles, “Reforming Nigeria’s Electoral Administration in the Fourth Republic” and “Crises of Democracy and Nigeira’s image in the International System” all believe that the failures of the electoral system has not only affected Nigeria’s democratic process but her image in the full system. According to Kolawole, electoral administration in Nigeria is “bedeviled with contradictory legislative framework, institutional weakness, and unstable procedures, lack of technological know-how, incompetence and political manipulations. Saidu added that the “yearning of the people” during elections has been repeatedly thwarted as a result of the failures of the electoral system.
Egwemi and Tom (2008:192) also share this view. In their article “Back to 1999: The 2007 General Elections and Nigeria’s Image Crisis”, they examine the 2007 general elections image crisis in comparison to that of 1999 when Chief Olusegun Obasanjo was elected president. It has been argued that before the advent of democracy in Nigeria, Nigeria suffered an image cirisis as a result of years of Military rule. The authors argued that after 1999, Nigeria’s image was turned around as a result of the activities of President Obasanjo only to be thwarted by the massive failure of the 2007 general elections. In conclusion; they recommend a general overhaul of the electoral process in the country to avoid the mistakes of the past.
The above authors base their observations on the acts of fraud, propaganda and rigging that were observed in past elections. However there is no real mention of election violence in these articles, nor the area and period of study.
Ikujuegbe (2002:32) in his article, “Ethnic Bloc Voting and Democratization Process in Nigeria” observes that the ethnic nature of political parties has resulted in ethnic based voting or membership. Consequently, political office is sought and violence wrought to ensure that power remains perpetually in a particular ethnic group. His observation throws some light on the root causes of election violence, though election violence is also not discussed in this article.
Duru (2008:18) in his book: The Electoral Process and Democracy in Nigeria and Adamu Mu’azu in his contribution, “Organizational Co-operation in the conduct of Credible Elections in Nigeria agrees that election violence is indeed a threat to Nigeria’s nascent democracy. While Duru focuses his attention on the relationship between the electoral process and the prospects of concretizing democratic governance in Nigeria by analyzing the dynamics of electoral politics in Nigeira; Mu’azu examines the potentials of conducting credible elections in Nigeria for the consolidation of democracy. He enumerates certain features he considers important in the political system. Their observations highlight some of the effects of election violence which will be considered in this study. Yet again, specific cases are not featured. Ngou (1959:10) in “The 1959 Elections and Formation of the Independence Government”, Dare in “The 1964 Elections and the Collapse of the First Republic” and Ollawa (2000:17) in the “1974 elections,” all give accounts of the 1959, 1959, 1964, and 1979 elections; the entire process from the campaigns to the election and to the results, as well as their failures and successes. While providing a generic overview of the elections in Nigeria, no mention has been made of the area or period of this study. Their work however, shed a lot of light on the background of election fraud and violence in Nigeria.
Ujo (2000:48) in his book: Understanding Election: A guide for students and Election Managers provides an overview of the entire electoral system, the definition of relevant terms, registration and voting processes, electoral laws and Actsto name a few. Ujo’s work gives a general knowledge of what is right and wrong as far as elections in Nigeria are concerned and would be useful for reference purposes.
The literatures reviewed above focus broadly on a mixture of electoral violence and other political issues and give no clear account of election violence in Nigeria from the Lagos State perspective. Also, the flawed nature of elections in Lagos State not been satisfactorily explored. Thus, there is a paucity of sources on election violence in Lagos Sate prior to 2011. Moreover, there are lots of materials on the different aspects of elections in Nigeria but the issue of election violence in its totality (the remote and immediate causes, effects on the democratic process, the role of different actors in the phenomenon of election violence in Nigeria) has not been addressed in one volume. This is the gap that this study intends to fill.
