TABLE OF CONTENT
Title page
Approval page
Dedication
Acknowledgment
Abstract
Table of content
CHAPETR ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the study
1.2 Statement of problem
1.3 Objective of the study
1.4 Research Hypotheses
1.5 Significance of the study
1.6 Scope and limitation of the study
1.7 Definition of terms
1.8 Organization of the study
CHAPETR TWO
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
CHAPETR THREE
3.0 Research methodology
3.1 sources of data collection
3.3 Population of the study
3.4 Sampling and sampling distribution
3.5 Validation of research instrument
3.6 Method of data analysis
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION
4.1 Introductions
4.2 Data analysis
CHAPTER FIVE
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Summary
5.3 Conclusion
5.4 Recommendation
Appendix
Abstract
The recent narratives in the public domain focus on the national issue of Nigeria are restructuring. This call seems to be highly ratifying as it cuts across every part of the country. There had been contributions from former leaders and public office holders including former presidents, vice president and former governors. The academia, civil societies, professionals, students, politicians, religious leaders, serving governors etc. are not left behind. However as laudable as this call sounds, there is a wide disagreement over the real meaning of restructuring or what exactly needs to be restructured. This divergence in views is showcased by the way many people perceive what constitutes Nigeria’s problem. Except these views are reconciled, the call might be an effort in futility. Unless the structure of the clamored Nigeria’s restructuring is understood, the whole brouhaha might be a travesty eventually.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the study
Nigeria as a sovereign state is one that has numerous ethno-tribal groups as matched with its vast territory, large population and enormous land mass. Each of the locales within the Nigerian territory is endowed with either one mineral, vegetative or other natural resources and/or a correspondence of resident human resources (population). In recent years, calls have been made by Nigerians, both politicians and political analysts, to restructure the current Federal status which has been described as a creation of British masterstroke (Uhunmwangho and Ekpu, 2011). Prior to the amalgamation of northern and southern protectorates in 1914, each protectorate succeeded, with the little resources available to it, to sustain the political, economic and social wellbeing of these individual protectorates. The colonists, having encountered economic quagmire in the north co-opted these entities previously ruled as protectorates into one entity, to be later named Nigeria. The rationale behind it was to pool the rich economic resources of the southern protectorate to augment inadequacies in the north (Ndoma-Egba, 2000). This political tactics adopted by the colonists laid the foundation of disaffection and acrimony that has become the order of the day in the present day Nigeria. The British, who patched these non-identical tribes, never thought of the workability of the „„unholy marriage‟‟ and what would be the state of the new found family after independence. In terms of culture, religion, language, geography etc, the entity called Nigeria has been described as a mere geographical expression and the mistake of 1914 by Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Sir Ahmadu Bello, respectively (Eresia-Eke and Eberiye-2010). However, the federal system was adopted in Nigeria in the year 1951 following the introduction of Mcpherson constitution. At this stage, it was portrayed as a quasi-federalism (Nwankwo, 2002). In 1954, the entity called Nigeria was constitutionally elevated to the full status of a federal system, with a clear-cut division of powers between the central and regional governments. During this time, the three regions that constitute the federation were able to meet the development needs of their people, at their own pace, until the issues that engineered the civil war raised its ugly face. The pogrom in the North (1966), census crisis (1962/63), action group crisis (1962), federal election crisis (1964), military coup d‟état (1966),worst still, the civil war (1966-1967), which led to distorted fiscal viability of the federal structure handed by the 1954 constitution. In view of this, any knowledgeable administrative analyst would suggest the adoption of the federalist political structure, so as to ensure efficient administration of both the vast territories of Nigeria and its ethno-tribal heterogeneous population. This is what has been administratively put in place as a political mechanism for governance within the Nigerian polity. The current Nigerian political structure which has its roots in the 1946 Sir Arthur Richard’s constitution of Nigeria, right from its inception till now has shown symptoms of administratively sick system of government resulting from such issues as the issue of resource control, outcry of marginalization, issue of ethno-tribal and regional discrimination, and issue of ensuring that every citizen irrespective of age, sex, religion, ethnic, linguistic, regional or tribal affiliation is given a sense of belonging to the country. Most importantly, the issue of resource control vis-à-vis political restructuring has become a contentious issue in Nigeria body politic, having been a key problem facing the Nigerian state since the onset of ethnic politics (Anugwom, 2005; Dickson and Asua, 2016). Despite the lopsided nature of the country’s political structure, Nigeria has persisted in the practice and has always resolved to the effection of punitive measures to the dysfunctional issues marking the nature of the federalist political structure operational in Nigeria. These measures manifest in form of the different reforms, structural policies, intergovernmental relations, unification programmes etc which had been adopted in the past by different Nigerian government regimes. Irrespective of the practice of imbuing the Nigerian political structure with corrective and curative measures, both scholars and other interested parties have gone to town for donkey’s years to continue their clamour for the restructuring of the federalist political nature of the country with emphasis highly placed on the issue of intergovernmental relations between the federal and sub-national governments, issue of resource control and allocation, issue of revenue allocation, efficiency and functionality of the constitution, inequality of states and local governments in geopolitical zones, security and marginalization amongst others. However, a critical probe on the real reason for this call exposes all to the conflict of interest which has undermined the intention of the proponents. Apart from the genuine reason of using political restructuring as a veritable tool to better Nigeria, some people especially elite sees is it an abstract instrument to gain favour and achieve their self interest. In fact, many emergency nationalists and opportunists are already using the mantra to make political points ahead of 2019 general elections. This raises some levels of skepticism because it appears there is no clear difference between the ongoing call for restructuring and the last change mantra deployed as the machinery for the 2015 general elections (Farayibi, 2017) The rhetoric of restructuring has currently been dominating the public domain for some months and this topic has been publicized through the use of digital, print and electronic media. From every quarter, what seems like the in-thing now is restructuring. Every newspaper publication, news bulletin, speech and report is not complete until the issue has been mentioned. Former leaders and public office holders including former presidents, vice president and former governors; the academia, civil societies, professionals, students, politicians, religious leaders and serving governors etc. have all made their contributions to this national issue. From all the geo-political zones, this subject seems to re-echo and dominate public discourse. This creates an impression that people are now awake to the myriad of problems confronting the country and are determined to find possible ways of tackling them. However, if we probe further, the real reason for this call is beclouded with conflict of interest which has undermined the intention of the proponents. In fact, many emergency nationalists and opportunists are already using the mantra to make political points ahead of 2019 general elections. This raises some levels of skepticism because it appears there is no clear difference between the ongoing call for restructuring and the last change mantra deployed as the machinery for the 2015 general elections. This is reflected in the composition and definition of restructuring from different groups. For instance, the masses see this call as a demand for good governance, accountability and transparency while the elites see this call as a political solution to remain relevant in the present political dispensation. The real reason for this call, it seems, lies in-between these two extreme sides of the continuum.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Irrespective of the practice of imbuing the Nigerian political structure with corrective and curative measures, both scholars and other interested parties have gone to town for donkey’s years to continue their clamour for the restructuring of the federalist political nature of the country with emphasis highly placed on the issue of intergovernmental relations between the federal and sub-national governments, issue of resource control and allocation, issue of revenue allocation, efficiency and functionality of the constitution, inequality of states and local governments in geopolitical zones, security and marginalization amongst others. However, a critical probe on the real reason for this call exposes all to the conflict of interest which has undermined the intention of the proponents. It is against this backdrop that the researcher intend to examine the agitation for restricting in Nigeria and it's impact on democratization.
1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
The main objective of this study is to examine the impact of restructuring on democratization in Nigeria, but to aid the completion of the study, the researcher intend to achieve the following specific objectives;
- i) To examine the impact of restructuring on Nigeria democratization
- ii) To examine the if there is any significant relationship between restructuring and inclusive governance in Nigeria
iii) To ascertain the impact of restructuring on equitable distribution of dividend of democracy in Nigeria.
- iv) To examine the role political actors in the actualization of the quest for restructuring in Nigeria
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTION
The following research questions were formulated by the researcher to aid the completion of the study;
- i) Does restructuring have any impact on Nigeria democratization?
- ii) Is there any significant relationship between restructuring and inclusive governance in Nigeria?
iii) Does restructuring have any impact on actualization of equitable distribution of dividend of democracy in Nigeria?
- iv) Does political actors play any role in the actualization of the quest for restructuring in Nigeria?
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
It is believed that at the completion of the study, the findings will be of great importance to all student of political science as the study seek to elaborate the merit and demerit of restructuring on the democratization process of Nigeria democracy, the study will also be of importance to researchers who intend to embark on a study in a similar topic as the study will serve as a reference point to further study, the study will also be of merit to students, teachers, academia's, and the general public as the study will contribute to the pool of existing literature on the subject matter and also contribute to knowledge.
1.6 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY
The scope of the study covers the agitation for restructuring in Nigeria and it's impact on democratization, but in the cause of the study, there were some factors that limited the scope of the study which was beyond the researchers control;
- a) AVAILABILITY OF RESEARCH MATERIAL: The research material available to the researcher is insufficient, thereby limiting the study
- b) TIME: The time frame allocated to the study does not enhance wider coverage as the researcher has to combine other academic activities and examinations with the study.
- c) Finance: Limited Access to the required financed was a major constrain to the scope of the study.
1.7 OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS
Agitation
the situation in which people protest or argue, especially in public, in order to achieve a particular type of change
Restructuring
Restructuring is the corporate management term for the act of reorganizing the legal, ownership, operational, or other structures of a company for the purpose of making it more profitable, or better organized for its present needs
Democratization
Democratization is the transition to a more democratic political regime, including substantive political changes moving in a democratic direction
Political actors
Are individuals who have obtained at least some measure of political power and/or authority in a particular society who engage in activities that can have a significant influence on decisions, policies, media coverage, and outcomes associated with a given conflict”
