TABLE OF CONTENT
Title page
Approval page
Dedication
Acknowledgment
Abstract
Table of content
CHAPETR ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the study
1.2 Statement of problem
1.3 Objective of the study
1.4 Research Hypotheses
1.5 Significance of the study
1.6 Scope and limitation of the study
1.7 Definition of terms
1.8 Organization of the study
CHAPETR TWO
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
CHAPETR THREE
3.0 Research methodology
3.1 sources of data collection
3.3 Population of the study
3.4 Sampling and sampling distribution
3.5 Validation of research instrument
3.6 Method of data analysis
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION
4.1 Introductions
4.2 Data analysis
CHAPTER FIVE
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Summary
5.3 Conclusion
5.4 Recommendation
Appendix
Abstract
At both the national and international levels, there is a growing academic interest in the level of participation of women in politics. The ‘third wave’ of globalization emphasizes the issue of democratization, women and human rights which dominate world interests in Africa. African women, especially in Nigeria are exploited and marginalized. Despite the fact that women constitute about 49% of the total population, they are discriminated against in the political process. The marginalization of Nigerian women is more pronounced in the democratization processes. Women in Nigeria constitute more than two – thirds of the country’s 70% adult non- literate population while they hold less than 5% of the important decision making positions. The study engages both primary and secondary sources, including field survey, personal interviews and questionnaire. A total of 200 women were selected from Anambra States through simple random sampling for the administration of the questionnaires. The study reveals that the patriarchal system and male domination of the society, which relegates women to subordinate role, has created women’s inferiority complex and alienated them from the mainstream politics in Nigeria. The Nigerian political culture of thuggery and gangsterism has made the political terrain too dangerous for most women to venture into mainstream politics.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the study
The increasing salience of women’s issues and the resurgence of women’s movements have raised popular consciousness and intense academic discourse on poor participation of women in politics (Peterson & Ruyan, 2009 & Akinboye, 2004). Though women’s low political participation is a universal phenomenon (Shaul, 1982; Waylen, 2006; Akinboye, Lewu, 2005; Rai, 2005 & Pokam, 2006), the imperative of women participation in democratic governance and human development cannot be over emphasized (Amadiume, 2007; Bruce, 2004; Babatunde, 2003; Bari, 2005). Sustainable democratic government relies upon the participation of all citizens in determining through elections and political processes, who governs them. It also depends upon the equality of all citizens under the law (Sodaro, 2001, Anifowose, and 2004). Women's legal status is closely linked with their political participation and has an impact on their ability to contribute to and benefit from economic and social progress. The involvement of women in political activities underscores this correct assertion:
Without the active participation of women and the incorporation of women’s perspective in all levels of decision making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved (Akiyode- Afolabi & Arogundade, 2003). The possibility for all citizens – both males and females to participate in the management of public affairs otherwise known as mass or popular participation is thus at the very heart of democracy (Sodaro, 2001). Putting it more succinctly, the Inter-Parliamentary Union incorporated in the Universal declaration for Democracy that: The achievement of democracy presupposes a genuine partnership between men and women in the conduct of the affairs of society in which they work in equality and complementarity drawing mutual enrichment from their differences (Inter-parliamentary Union, 1999). Although equal political opportunity for women is a goal shared by both men and women and despite increased support of women’s equality, for thousands of years, women records poor participation in politics and decision making positions (Waylen, op.cit:10; Anifowose, 2004:204; Pokam, 2006; Henderson, 2006). This is despite the fact that women constitute roughly half of the current world population (Pascaud-Becane, 1999; Babatunde, 2003; Anifowose; Bari, 2005). In Nigeria, like in other parts of the world, women are at least half the country’s population. According to the report of the 2006 Census, women constitute 48.78% of the national population, yet this numerical strength of women does not automatically translate to increase in women’s participation in political activities in the country (Kukah, 2003; Abdu, 2003; Nigeria CEDAW NGO Coalition Shadow Report, 2008). While the global average representation of women in national politics is 10%, in Nigeria, the figure has hardly ever been more than 3% (Ajayi, 2007; Inter-parliamentary Union, 2007). From the country’s independence to 48 years after, there have been various degrees of women’s participation in politics and governance and varying sets of limiting factors to women’s political participation (Johnson, 2003; Agomo, 2004; Adu, 2008). This global low women’s participation in politics has prompted the emergence of campaigns to increase women’s political presence in countries around the world. The first major international action in favour of women universally was taken by United Nations in 1946 when it set up a commission on the status of women (Peterson & Runyan, 1999; Akiyode-Afolabi et al, 2003). In 1975 during the International Women’s Year, the UN General Assembly launched the UN Decade for Women (1976 – 1985) with a view to creating greater global awareness on the status of women and the girl child (Akinboye, 2004:13). This concern climaxed with the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995 held in Beijing, China with the theme “Equality, Development and Peace”, the aim of which was to review and appraise the achievements of the UN Decade for Women (Omotola, 2007). One of the major activities of the year was the World Conference on Women that took place in Mexico. In 1976, the UN Assembly again established the Voluntary Fund for the UN Decade for Women to implement the objectives of the Decade (Oyekanmi, 2004). It also adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which became effective in 1981 (Rai, 2005). In 1985 however, the General Assembly gave the Organization an expanded mandate to join the UN group of agencies as the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) with the mission to promote the economic and political empowerment of women in developing countries. In addition, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) work towards strengthening women’s political leadership and their participation in political decision-making bodies (Olojede, 2004). These events marked a watershed in human resource development as it brought women, the other half of the world’s population, into development. However, despite these international instruments to encourage women involvement in political activities, the world still witnesses slow progress of women participation in politics (UNDP Report, 2005). The Inter-Parliamentary Union Report of 2007 indicates that there are only twelve countries where women attained the critical mass of 30% women representation in the parliament, out of which Rwanda, Sweden Finland, Argentina are handful of countries that have elected more than 40% women to their legislative body (IPU, 2007). The Beijing Declaration that was adopted by participating governments at the world conference on September 15, 1995 admits inter alia. The status of women has advanced in some important respects in the past decades but that progress has been uneven, inequalities between women and men have persisted and major obstacles remain with serious consequences for the well-being of all people. In the Platform for Action (PFA), Paragraph 28 and 29 of the Global Framework, which expounds the basis of remedial actions to be taken, captures the gross under-representation of the world’s women in decision making and power relations in the various countries of the United Nations. This is further explained in the preamble for the Strategic Objectives and Actions for the enhancement of women’s access to power and decision-making thus: Despite widespread democratization in most countries, women are largely underrepresented at most levels of government especially in ministerial and other executive bodies or in achieving the target endorsed by the Economic and Social Council of having 30% women in positions of decision making levels. Governments that are signatories to the agreements are bound to take specific measures to ensure women’s access to full participation in political activities (Bruce, 2004). It is on the basis of the United Nations stipulations that various countries including those of African countries, therefore, begin to intensify efforts to shift women from the periphery to the center of national development processes and seek modalities for enhancing their (women) political participation. The Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was ratified by Nigeria in 1985 (Okome, 2006). Besides, Nigeria is also a signatory to the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and on that basis constituted the National Committee on Affirmative Action (Anifowose, 2004). Furthermore, the National Policy on Women was adopted by the Federal Government of Nigeria in the year 2000. The goal of the policy is to eliminate all form of discrimination against women, empowering them through enhanced strategic human resource development, and establishing a data bank on the implementation of a comprehensive (national) baseline survey. The specific objectives of the policy seek to ensure that the principles and provisions as contained in the Nigerian Constitution are effectively enforced, and that gender perspective are mainstreamed into all policies and programmes based on a systematic gender analysis at all levels of government (Agomo, 2004 & Oronsaye-Salami, 2005). The 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by virtue of Section 40 states that: Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests. Section 42 of the same constitution states further that: Any citizen of Nigeria of a particular community, ethnic group, place of origin, sex, religion or political opinion shall not, by reason only that he is such a person be subjected to any form of discrimination. From the foregoing, there is nothing in the constitution, which excludes the participation of women in politics in Nigeria. The development of corresponding economic, social and political power of women still leaves much to be desired despite their significant roles before and after Nigerian independence, (Akiyode-Afolabi, et al, 2003, Ikpe, 2004). The fact that the military ruled for years helped to institutionalize violations of human rights that resulted in very severe political, social and economic crises (Waylen, 1996). These anomalies have impacted negatively on the development of women’s political right, despite the many international norms and institutions designed to advance the cause of women in Nigeria (Anifowose, 2004). Hence, there is the need to interrogate factors responsible for this phenomenon in Nigeria and to seek ways on how to engender a balance in the political affairs of the Nigerian state.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Nigeria has a multi-party system, with about sixty- three registered political parties, where three parties are strong parties and these are Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), All Progressives Congress (APC) and Labour Party (LP). The situation in Nigerian political landscape calls for serious structural and institutional reforms. This is because Nigeria has deviated and, equally turns away from the path and tenets of representative democracy. Representative democracy is generally agreed, empowers the people, both men and women with the ability to control the decision-making process. The reality in Nigeria is that of getting a government that is truly democratic and inclusive of women at 30% participatory level. Therefore, since the advent of democratic dispensation in Nigeria, achieving at most 30% representation of women in decision-making process in Nigerian politics has remained a mirage. It is obvious that Nigerian women are very enthusiastic during election campaigns as clappers, cheerers, and supporters by singing and dancing, but the political class, that is being populated by mostly men who are desperados, has made it a do or die affair, creating fear in many Nigerian women and scaring them off the decision making positions in Anambra State which is the case study and Nigeria as a whole. It is in view of this that the researcher intend to examine the rate of women in politics and women empowerment in Anambra state
1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
The main objective of this study is to examine the impact of women empowerment and political participation in Nigeria; but to aid the completion of the study, the researcher intend to achieve the following specific objectives;
- i) To examine the impact of women empowerment on their political participation in Anambra state
- ii) To examine the relationship between women empowerment and political participation in Anambra state
iii) To ascertain the effect of women empowerment on the political and socioeconomic development of Anambra state
- iv) To examine the role of women in political development of Anambra state
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The following research questions were formulated by the researcher to aid the completion of the study;
- i) Does women empowerment has any impact on their political participation in Anambra state?
- ii) Is there any relationship between women empowerment and political participation in Anambra state?
iii) Does women empowerment have any effect on the political and socioeconomic development of Anambra state?
- iv) Does women play any role in political development of Anambra state?
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
It is believed that at the completion of the study, the findings will be of great importance the the Anambra state ministry of women affairs as the study seek to examine the merit of women empowerment in the state and how it foster political participation by Nigerian women, the studywill also be beneficial to political parties, as the study seek to examine women strength in political involvement and development in the state. The study will also be useful to researchers who intend to embark on a study in a similar topic as the findings of this study will serve as a focal point to further studies and finally, the study will be of importance to student, teachers, lecturers, academia's and the general public as the findings will add to the pool of existing literature on the subject matter and also contribute to knowledge.
1.6 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY
The scope of the study covers women empowerment and political participation in Nigeria with emphasis on Anambra state; but in the cause of the study, there are some factors that limit the scope of the study;
(a)Availability of research material: The research material available to the researcher is insufficient thereby limiting the study.
(b)Time: The time frame allocated to the study does not enhance wider coverage as the researcher has to combine other academic activities and examinations with the study.
(c)Finance: The finance available for the research work does not allow for wider coverage as resources are very limited as the researcher has other academic bills to cover.
1.7 OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS
Women
A woman is a female human being. The word woman is usually reserved for an adult, with girl being the usual term for a female child or adolescent. The plural women is also sometimes used for female humans, regardless of age, as in phrases such as “women's rights
Empowerment
The term empowerment refers to measures designed to increase the degree of autonomy and self-determination in people and in communities in order to enable them to represent their interests in a responsible and self-determined way, acting on their own authority.
Politics
Politics refers to a set of activities associated with the governance of a country, or an area. It involves making decisions that apply to members of a group.
Political participation
Political participation is any activity that shapes, affects, or involves the political sphere. Political participation ranges from voting to attending a rally to committing an act of terrorism to sending a letter to a representative
1.8 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY
This research work is organized in five chapters, for easy understanding, as follows
Chapter one is concern with the introduction, which consist of the (overview, of the study), historical background, statement of problem, objectives of the study, research hypotheses, significance of the study, scope and limitation of the study, definition of terms and historical background of the study. Chapter two highlights the theoretical framework on which the study is based, thus the review of related literature. Chapter three deals on the research design and methodology adopted in the study. Chapter four concentrate on the data collection and analysis and presentation of finding. Chapter five gives summary, conclusion, and recommendations made of the study
